As the year 1916 dawned local training in Kilkenny was dominated by the training instructions given by the volunteers who had received the benefit of the collective organised by Captain O’ Connell earlier in 1915.
By February Lt Edward O’ Kelly, an organiser from General Headquarters was in location in Kilkenny and he advanced training throughout the City and county. Lee Endfields were openly carried on route marches and weekly manoeuvres. Typical routes recorded started in the City, marching to Ballyfoyle, then to Muckalee and onto Johnswell where some tactical training was carried out. This may have taken the form of drill, weapons training or practicing small unit attacks.
On these manoeuvres volunteers always carried their own rations with the exception on fresh milk which would be purchased from a local farmer. No alcohol was ever consumed on exercise. It is recorded that a small number of volunteers were discharged from the unit for having intemperate habits.
On Patricks Day 1916 a company of Irish Volunteers paraded to mass in St Johns Church in uniform armed with their weapons and marching behind the Republican flag. It is most probable that the starting point for the march was James Park and then the route would have been up High St and John St. No doubt the local RIC kept a close eye on the event counting the rifles and recording the names of the volunteers on parade. It is also very probable that this is the first time that the Tri-colour was paraded through the City under an armed escort of Irish Volunteers.
It needs to be clarified here that the leadership structure of the Kilkenny City Company of the Irish Volunteers was quite low key. The City Company was run by a committee comprised mostly of members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. The main leader, Mr Thomas Treacy from Dean St was seen as the key person and was the Company Commander. He was not however a member of the IRB. Given the level of secrecy maintained by the IRB it is highly unlikely that he would have known that so many of his subordinates were members.
In early April, about 2 weeks before Easter, Tom Treacy was called out of Volunteer Hall (Kytlers Inn) and brought up along King St (now Kieran St), where he was introduced to Cathal Brugha who was sent from GHQ, Dublin to relay orders for a Rising that would be happening at Easter. Here we see the Captain of the Kilkenny City Volunteers being made aware of very secret information. The orders relayed included the following-
General manoeuvres were to be planned for Easter Sunday
To proceed with all available men and weapons and proceed via Borris to Scallop Gap on the Wexford border and link with the Wexford Volunteers
No independent active service operations were to be engaged in until the link up with Wexford had been made
Captain Ginger O’ Connell from GHQ was to be in command of all units in the county and all orders were to be taken from him
This unity of command was to be maintained after the link up was made
These orders were very clear and unambiguous. Ginger O’ Connell was to command all activities in the Kilkenny-Wexford area. His orders were to be obeyed at all times. This order would have far reaching effects as Easter Week went on.
At this stage, two weeks before the Rising the Kilkenny City Company had around 60 members. Treacy knew exactly what weapons were in possession of the City Company. There was a shortfall of 30 firearms. He informed Bruagha of this. Bruagha then informed Treacy that there would be a supply of weapons and ammunition available for collection from Dr Dundon in Borris. At this stage Treacy was informed that a shipment was expected and further weapons and ammunition would be available (this is most likely from the weapons expected from the AUD which would be scuttled off the Kerry coast).
It is also indicated by Treacy that Bruagha also gave these instructions to Peter Deloughrey and Patrick Corcoran, the Kilkenny contacts with Dublin and both members of the IRB. Treacy commenced issuing instructions to all members of the Kilkenny City Company regarding the upcoming manoeuvres for Easter Sunday while maintaining operational security. Everyone was informed to parade on Sunday with full equipment, rations and bicycles.
Around this week a number of important movements of explosives occurred which were to directly support the Rising. Firstly, on Spy Wednesday a shipment of explosives was moved from Wolfhill Coalmine by Peter Deloughrey, James Lawlor and Eamon Fleming from the Swan, Laois. The explosives were delivered to a man called Patrick Ramsbottom in Portlaoise. They were then sent to Dublin. On Good Friday the second shipment was moved from Skeeter Park Cleariestown Wexford by Peter Deloughrey and Thomas Murphy and sent to Dublin for use in the Rising,
Over the years these shipments of explosives have been undervalued in the events of the Easter rising. Here we have men willing to put themselves in harm’s way, transporting explosives throughout the South East without fear of the consequences of capture. No doubt they were armed during these operations and aware of the repercusions if they were to be stopped by Crown Forces.
Easter Sunday arrived and at the appointed time of 12 noon at Volunteer Hall, all volunteers arrived. Thomas Treacy was already aware of the attraction of the plan because he had read the Sunday Independent that morning. Treacy held an orders group with his company officers and it was decided that if no official message was received that he would dismiss the assembled volunteers by 2pm. All volunteers were ordered to parade again at 8pm. Except for a few key people, the main body of volunteers were still unaware of what was planned. The key players stayed behind and discussed the situation in some detail at this stage. Officers from the countryside company were in attendance.
Pat Corcoran had been in Dublin all Easter Sunday. He arrived back in the City and in the company of Captain O’ Connell, he informed those present that everything was off. All men were dismissed, told to go home and be prepared to form up again on Easter Monday morning.
It was also decided that Pat Corcoran and Peter Deloughrey would carry out a resupply mission on Monday morning when they would drive to Dr Dundon’s house in Borris and take control of the assorted weapons being stored for their use.
At around 2pm Lt Pierce Brett brought word to Tom Treacy that hostilities had broken out in Dublin. This word most likely came from a train passenger. The information however was confused and at 7pm all the company were mustered in the area of Stallards Gardens near Asylum Lane. This was the location chosen for the delivery of the weapons brought by car from Carlow. This consisted of around 30 single barrelled shotguns and assorted ammunition. It must be again mentioned here that this movement of weapons was taking place at great risk of capture by Deloughrey and Corcoran. The safe delivery of the weapons and their issuing to Company volunteers insured that The Company volunteers were armed. It is also an incident of Kilkenny men being on active service on Easter Monday in the broad sense, even if they fired no shots they definitely put themselves in harm’s way.
Tom Treacy estimates the strength of the Crown Forces in the City as being around 440 men. 400 soldiers in the military barracks and 40 RIC Constables deployed between the Johns Street HQ and Parliament St station. He also states that they were fairly quiet during the week remaining in or close to the barracks. By this stage it was obvious that the original orders given by Cathal Bruagha a few weeks earlier were not going to be carried out. Captain O’ Connells arrival in the city on Sunday evening should have been the catalyst to send the Kilkenny Company on active service. It becomes obvious here that O’Connell is aligned with MacNeil and Bulner-Hobson. He had it seems confirmed to Wexford Volunteers in Enniscorthy prior to arriving in Kilkenny that he was not going to undermine McNeills orders to cancel the Rising. It would seem that the sinking of the AUD confirmed their reluctance to enter an unwinnable fight.
On Wednesday morning O’ Connell dispatched Jimmy Lawlor on a motorbike journey to confirm the activities in Limerick. Lawlor had an eventful journey being stopped a few times at RIC checkpoints. Lawlor confirmed that Limerick was not out. The volunteers paraded that evening and some lapsed members returned to the company. O’ Connell would preside over the orders session and it was really his control which had effect in Kilkenny during the Thursday and Friday meetings.
News of the surrender of the Irish Volunteers arrived in Kilkenny at about 3pm on the Saturday afternoon. All the weapons held by the members were stowed away safely and the volunteers were sent home.
As with the rest of the country, arrests of the key people commenced soon after the surrender in Dublin. Ginger O’ Connell was the first man arrested on May 3rd. On May 4th, Peter Deloughrey and Alderman James Nowlan were arrested and placed in Kilkenny Gaol.
So ended any hope of the rising happening in Kilkenny . Arrests would go on for a number of days with over 30 Volunteers being deported to different locations in England and Wales.
I am attending tonight as the representative of the Provisional Committee of the Irish Volunteers, we have began in Dublin and have three thousand men drilling and preparing to serve their country in this cause. Kilkenny is the first place that we are looking to in Leinster and all Ireland, for help in this movement, and from the meeting tonight we know that we had not counted falsely in counting on Kilkenny. Personally, I owe a debt of gratitude to Kilkenny. It was in Kilkenny that I received my first baptism of Nationalism. Twelve years ago I came to Kilkenny and it was in the national spirit of this town that I first learned what it was to feel the patriotism of an Irish man. As Roger Casement has said the work we have to do is urgent and it is our duty to set about it immediately. Our business is to drill and prepare ourselves to be efficient in the cause of Ireland. The Irish volunteers have been founded to secure the rights and liberties, common to all the people of Ireland. We have no rights and liberties to maintain at the present moment; we have been slaves in our own country. We were the only people who are ineffective and unable to defend themselves against foreign aggression. If a foreign power came to this country favourable or unfavourable to Ireland, 60000 English territorials will be landed in this country. The Irish people will have to take them into our own homes, put them up, feed them and entertain them, to preserve Ireland, forsooth for the British crown. The people are not going to have that. Within this year we hope to enroll a quarter of a million men in the Irish volunteers. The body I represent is not a political body; it is an Irish body a National body. We have no party or religious test. Our system is a territorial system. People of different religions, of different political parties, will drill side by side. The battle had not yet been won, and it is possible the Irish People will have to make a great sacrifice, perhaps the greatest sacrifice of all. This organisation of the Irish Volunteers has grown out of an organisation instituted in this Country since the days of O’Connell, under such leaders as George Henry Moore, who, in 1861, advocated Irish Volunteers under the Fenian leaders; under Parnell and under the present leader of the Irish Party, and, to mention a leader more peculiarly my own, under the leaders of the Gaelic League . This movement is the culmination of those movements. The other night a Frenchman came to the hall in which my company was drilling. In France every citizen was a soldier, every man was trained to use arms, and this Frenchman could not very well understand how it was that the men he saw training in that company should think it necessary to spend their evenings drilling. I explained that it was only the other day we got permission to do such a thing at all, and my visitor expressed his astonishment, but said the patriotism that inspired us was magnificent. The Irish Volunteer movement is going to give an opportunity to the manhood of the country to prove it -self.
There will be a difficulty in getting rifles but it will not require an enormous amount of money to buy them. No man is too old or too young to work for his country in this matter. At the end of this meeting those who want to enroll in the Irish volunteers, should go to the town hall and give in their names. Later on arrangements for drilling ect, will be made. This is a democratic organisation. We do not want this country to be governed by force or by corruption and if this Home Rule Bill is passed the country will be goverened for a long time by corruption, doles and bribes to every department of life in Ireland. It is not necessary to appeal to my friends of the Gealic League to become Irish Volunteers. If a quarter of a million of Irishmen were trained and drilled in the use of arms, we will be able to give to Ireland whatever government we like.
Transcribed from the Kilkenny newspapers March 1914.
James Lalor was born in 1888 in Kilkenny City. He was sworn into the IRB in 1905 as a seventeen year old by Peter deLoughry. At this time there was a resurgence of the political and military aims of the organization in the county. At the age of 26 he joined the Irish National Volunteers on 5 March 1914, when a Kilkenny City Company was formed during a large meeting was held on the parade. All new volunteers were enlisted in the town hall on the night. Around this time he was working with his father in his building business in Friary Street, Kilkenny.
Following the split in the Volunteers, Lalor was appointed Section Commander of No. 1 Section of the Irish Volunteers in Kilkenny, during this time he was very active in supervising training as well as attending various training exercises and camps around the region . After mobilising for Easter 1916 he was sent to limerick By Commandant Ginger O Connell to assess the situation there, this task involved making a round journey on a motorcycle. He was arrested on 5 May and eventually imprisoned in Frongoch Internment Camp in North Wales. He was released in August 1916.
During the summer of 1917 Lalor assisted in the organisation of Volunteer companies in a number of towns and villages in county Kilkenny. Once this organisation was underway a decision was made to form four battalions and James Lalor was elected Vice O/C or Vice Commandant of the Kilkenny city battalion. In 1918 further reorganisation of the Volunteers led to the formation of the Kilkenny Brigade and Lalor was elected Brigade Vice-Commandant. Towards the end of 1918 he was appointed Director of Elections for the Sinn Féin candidates in Kilkenny city and county. He took part in the deliberate and planned assault on Hugginstown RIC Barracks on 8th March 1920. This attack was successful and RIC constable Ryan was fatally wounded during the operation. Sometime after Lalor was arrested and detained in Kilkenny jail he was transferred to Cork Prison and from there to Belfast Prison where he took part in a hunger strike. After fifteen days he was transferred to the Union Hospital and then home to Kilkenny. Lalor was arrested again in September 1920 and kept in custody in Ballykinlar Camp until the general release a few days after the signing of the Treaty on 6 December 1921. James Lalor remained a committed Republican throughout his life. He acted on the Brigade Committee facilitating applications for Military Service Pensions as well as travelling to Dublin to attend Advisory Committee meetings to discuss the particulars of cases made by members of the Kilkenny Brigade. He provided references and advice to members of the IRA companies in Kilkenny. Between 1935 and 1936 he acted as one of the Treasurers for the Hennessy-Dermody memorial commemorating two volunteers who were killed during an encounter with British forces on Friary Street Kilkenny city on the 05th March 1921. He was also involved in Republican associations such as the Old IRA Comrade’s Association and Irish Republican Army Federation, attending meetings and involving himself in administrative matters at a local level. He maintained a lifelong interest in military matters and served as District Engineer in the Kilkenny Local Defence Force during the Emergency.
James Lalor died on and is buried in Tulla cemetery Treecastles.
James Nowlan’s family lived in Upper Patrick St., for a time his father Patrick, a Cooper by trade worked in Sullivans Brewery James St. but due to a down turn in the Brewing business the family moved to Monastereven, Co.Kildare where James was born in 1862. The family later returned to Kilkenny and took up residence at no 2 Troy’s Gate, where James lived for most of his life and trained as a cooper in Sullivans Brewery. A member of the Gaelic League, he was a life long supporter of the Irish language movement and a member of Sinn Fein from its foundation in 1905. He was elected an Alderman of the Corporation in 1898 and was returned as an Alderman at each election until 1920 when he moved to Dublin. Elected President of the G A A in 1901 he held that position until 1921 when he retired, the longest serving President of the association. It was said he attempted to steer the G A A on a more Republican path and in 1913 was quoted as encouraging members to join the Irish Volunteers and so learn to shoot straight.
After the 1916 rising he was one of the Kilkenny group arrested in the military swoop and was interred in Frongoch, Wales until August of that year, on his release he continued with his G A A and Civic duties. Oct. 1919 he was arrested in Cork for been in possession of a revolver and cartridges. Despite pleading he needed the arms to protect G A A gate money, he was sentenced to 28 days imprisonment. He died in June 1924 leaving his estate of £862 to Luke O Toole Gen. Sec of the G A A and was buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. Kilkenny G A A did not have a stadium of it’s own and games were played at various venues in the City. The County Board approached the Agricultural Society for the use of James’ Park in 1896, permission was given for Sunday use but 12 months later the rent was raised by 50% This caused the G A A to abandon the venue and did not return until 1906. When good relationships were restored, many club and intercounty games took place at James Park including the 1906 All Ireland hurling final. Eventually a field was purchased in 1927 for £700 from Peter Corcoran of John St, and was named Nowlan Park. Club games were played on the new pitch almost immediately. The official opening took place on Aug. 26th 1928. To mark the event the All Ireland Hurling semi final was played between Cork and Dublin. Cork winning easily on a 5-3 to 0-2 score line, before an attendance of 23,000. On the eve of the game the Cork team was met at the Railway Station by a large crowd and escorted to the Metropole hotel by St Patricks and St Riochs bands, the crowd and bands then returned to the Station greeted the Dublin team did a circuit of the city streets escorting them to the Central hotel. The official opening was performed by the President of the G A A. Sean Ryan The Corporation attended led by the Mayor Ald. Jack Magennis. Bishop Patrick Collier after blessing the grounds said he hoped this field for many years would be the scene of clean manly Irish games and that commercialism and professionalism which ruin games would be absent from games played in this Park. The national papers were not impressed with the opening stating the approach roads and ground were in a muddy condition. The stewarding arrangements left a lot to be desired, gates been closed an hour before the game and people who had purchased side line tickets could not gain admission. It was noted some players were forced to climb over fencing to gain entry to the pitch. Major work was undertaken in 1947/48,with the erection of a stand. With the demolition of Kilkenny Jail, large quantities of rubble were available and Paddy Grace county board secretary bought the rubble for 10 shillings a lorry load, using it to enlarge the banks. To day Nowlan Park has a total capacity for 24,000 patrons of which 17,000 are seated, and stands as a tribute and memorial to Ald James Nowlan.
Fredrick Hall was born in James Stephens Barracks, Kilkenny on 21 February 1885.
He spent a number of years in Kilkenny before moving with his family to England. His father was the Drum Major with the 5th Militia Battalion Royal Irish Regiment when he was born. He enlisted with the 8th Battalion Canadian Expeditionary Force on 23 Sept 1914 and he embarked with his unit for England on 03 Oct 1914.Regt No 1539 CSM Hall was killed in action on 24 April 1914 while attempting to recue one of his soldiers from no man’s land.
As a result of this action he was granted the Victoria Cross “For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty”.
This is his story
EARLY LIFE
Frederick William Hall was born in the military barracks Ballybought street Kilkenny City, Ireland on 21st of February 1885, the son of a British Army career soldier Frederick Hall Senior, who was the Drum Major with the 5th Militia Battalion of The Royal Irish Regiment at the time. The Family resided in Patrick Street just off the City’s main street and about one mile from the barracks. His mother was Mary Annie Hall (nee) Finn and he also had two sisters Ada Catherine, who was born in Belfast in 1881, and Louisa born in Brentwood, Essex in 1884.
FIRST SERVICE
Two weeks shy of his sixteenth birthday Frederick joined the Scottish Rifles in on 4th February 1901 as a boy soldier with the rank of Bandsman. He rose through the ranks and he was promoted Sgt on 14 March 1913. He retired from the Scottish Rifles two months later on 20th May 1913.
SECOND SERVICE
After retiring from the British army he immigrated to Winnipeg and he very quickly signed up with the local militia unit which was 106th Winnipeg Light Infantry Battalion. When the First World War broke out he joined the 8th Canadian Infantry Battalion which was organized at Valcartier under Camp Order 241 of 2 September 1914. The battalion was composed of recruits from Winnipeg and from the 96th Lake Superior Regiment of the Active Militia Battalion as well as from other local militia regiments. His first appointment was Corporal in Kilo (K) Company where his Company Commander was Lt Charles Blake. Yet again he rose quickly through the ranks, being promoted to Company Sergeant-Major on 01 December 1914.
MOBILISATION
The 8th Canadian Infantry Battalion was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel L.J. Lipsett who was a native of Ballyshannon, County Donegal. Louis-James Lipsett was commissioned as a 2/LT in the Royal Irish regiment in 1885 and saw service in India and South Africa during the Boer war. He was instrumental in moulding the battalion in the short time available and managed to overcome the logistical and administration problems associated with mass recruitment. The battalion embarked at Quebec on 1st October 1914 aboard FRANCONIA, steaming on the 3rd October as part of the largest flotilla ever seen disembarking from Canada. The flotilla arrived England on 14th October 1914, disembarking in Plymouth. The strength of 8th Canadian Infantry battalion was 47 officers and 1106 other ranks when it reached its new home, and along with the rest of the 2nd and 3rd Brigades settled into the West Down, South Camp on Salisbury plain.
TRAINING
The Canadian Brigades quickly established a training routine on Salisbury Plain. However, the weather deteriorated very quickly and indeed the miserable weather turned training into a drudgery. There were no means of drying clothing, and men who ploughed through ankle-deep mud all day had to let their rain-soaked uniforms dry on their backs. This would undoubtedly have caused many problems for CSM Hall who was responsible directly for the training administration and conduct for over one hundred of the battalion’s soldiers. Formation size training commenced only after the initial three months of training which included trice weekly route marches, range time and platoon level tactical training. The formation size training culminated with two weeks of battalion and brigade sized exercises. The Canadian division was now ready.
FRANCE
The 8th Canadian Infantry disembarked in France on 13th February 1915, becoming part of 2nd Canadian Infantry Brigade, 1st Canadian Division. Routine was quickly established culminating with the move, one Platoon at a time, into quiet sectors of the Western Front to accustom them to trench routine. The indoctrination was practical and thorough. From Company Commanders down to Private soldiers everyone was associated with a corresponding member of the host unit for 48 hours of individual training. There then followed 24 hours of platoon training during which each Canadian platoon was made responsible for a definite length of trench as part of the company forming the regular garrison. Throughout that week battalion commander Lt Col Lipsett, his officers and NCOs learned the many details of administration in trench warfare. On the 20th February the Commander-in-Chief of the British Expeditionary Force, Field Marshal Sir John French, inspected units of the Division.
On the 28th of February orders came for the 1st Division to take over a section of the First Army’s front. At 1100 hrs the relief of the 7th British Division began and by the 3rd March the Divisional Commander – General Alderson had assumed responsibility for 6400 yards of line in front of Fleurbaix. This was a quiet time and after 10 days the Division rotated to the rear to rest. During this period there were daily work parties required for routine trench building and repairing trench systems on the front line.
GAS, GAS, GAS!
On the 15th April the 8th Canadian Infantry Battalion took over a section of front line trench from the French. This was a series of unconnected trench systems which were poorly positioned and lacked any real protection from barbed wire defences. The next few days were spent improving the position. On the 22nd April, the day of the first gas attack on the Western front, the standard German shelling caused over forty casualties in the 8th Canadian Infantry battalion. However no gas was released in the Canadian area of operations and no German attack occurred along the line.
At this time the line held by 2 Canadian Infantry Brigade (CIB) ran from Berlin Wood across to the Passchendale road and NW along the valley of the Stroombeek River. The 5th Canadian Infantry battalion on the left followed up by the 8th Canadian Infantry battalion on their left. The 8ths left was the 15th Canadian Infantry battalion, 3rd CIB. On the night of the 23rd April all of the soldiers of the 8th Canadian Infantry battalion were issued with improvised gas masks. This offered some protection against this new weapon which had a devastating effect on soldiers.
Three companies of the 8th Canadian Infantry battalion were deployed along the front line. Half of C Coy was held to their rear as immediate support. The remaining half company of two platoons commanded by Captain Bertram and Lt O Grady were held in reserve by Lt Col Lipsett close to Boetleer farm. CSM Hall was second in command of Lt O Grady’s platoon.
24TH APRIL 1915
At 0330hrs on 24th April the Germans launched a heavy barrage and at 0400 hrs a gas attack was released. It drifted across no man’s land towards the Canadians. Lt Col Lipsett realised the gravity of the situation and he had heavy artillery called down on the German advance causing heavy casualties. The gas was now having its effect on the Canadian soldiers. The improvised respirators organised the previous evening were giving some protection and allowed the defenders to bring accurate small arms fire on the attackers. The Canadians’ Ross rifle was however jamming in large numbers and soldiers could be seen trying to re-cock their rifle with their feet.
The German assault broke through the area between the 15th and 8th Canadian Infantry battalions. It was here that Lt Col Lipsett committed his immediate reserve of half company strength to plug this gap of over 100m in length. Very few of the C Coy reserve reached their objective and those that did were met by the appalling sight of soldiers exposed to gas in large numbers. The order was given that Graffenstaffel Ridge had to be defended at all costs. Lt Col Lipsett now committed his last remaining reserve to plug the gap which still remained on the left flank. The time now was 0900hrs.
THIRD TIME UNLUCKY
Under heavy fire the platoons made their way forward and Lt O Grady was killed crossing some open ground. CSM Hall now took command of his platoon and he led his men over almost 1500 meters to the front line positions. On reaching the forward position and as part of his reorganisation and consolidation phase he discovered a number of his men wounded and located to his rear. He quickly went back to collect two wounded men and one after another and brought them to the relative safety of the trench. Hearing the cries of a third man CSM Hall, together with Cpl Payne and Pte Rogerson, climbed out of their trench and attempted to rescue the wounded man who was lying on an exposed bank 15 meters from the front line. Both Payne and Rogerson were wounded and could not further assist Hall. After a short rest CSM Hall crawled out to the wounded man. After reaching him and lying prone he managed to get the wounded soldier on his back. Having become a bit disorientated he raised his head to confirm his position. A bullet hit him in the head, fatally wounding him. Moments later the wounded man was also killed. For this act of courage CSM Hall was awarded the Victoria Cross.
CSM F. Hall London Gazette Citation.
On 24th April, 1915, in the neighborhood of Ypres, when a wounded man who was lying some 15 yards from the trench called for help, Company Serjeant-Major Hall endeavored to reach him in the face of a very heavy enfilade fire which was being poured in by the enemy. The first attempt failed, and a Non-commissioned Officer and private soldier who were attempting to give assistance were both wounded. Company Serjeant-Major Hall then made a second most gallant attempt, and was in the act of lifting up the wounded man to bring him in when he fell mortally wounded in the head.”
The Canadian soldiers held the day. Most of the battalions returned from the front lines with less than 25% of their effective strength remaining at the end of their period on the front line. Heroic such as those of CSM Frederick Hall were commonplace every day along the front line. However, few acts of heroism happened at such a critical time as that of the selfless actions of CSM Frederick Hall. His total disregard for personal safety and his willingness to make the ultimate sacrifice for his subordinates was of immense importance and is seen as a critical moment in the 8th Canadian Infantry Battalions’ determination to hold their positions. Had the German attack been successful the strategic outcome may have led to a very different ending to the war.
IN THE END
The CEF eventually came to number 260 separate numbered Infantry Battalions, 13 regiments of mounted rifles, and many units of the supporting arms including 13 railway troop battalions, 5 Pioneer Battalions, Field and Heavy Artillery, field ambulance, medical, dental, forestry, labour, tunnelling, cyclist, and service units. By war’s end, a Canadian Machine Gun Corps had been formed, and many soldiers had experience flying with the British Royal Flying Corps before it became a separate service known as the Royal Air Force.
The 8th Canadian Infantry Battalion returned to England on 23rd March 1919, disembarked in Canada on 4th May 1919, was demobilized on 8th May 1919, and was disbanded by General Order 149 of 15th September 1920. The Canadian Expeditionary Force suffered 60,661 dead during the war (9.28% of the 619,636 who enlisted). Many of these soldiers were Irish born and records show that at least 21 were born in county Kilkenny.
A KILKENNY HERO
Frederick Hall always gave his birth place as Kilkenny, Ireland. While he may have lived in Kilkenny for a brief number of years it is very fitting that he is now remembered as a Canadian soldier from Kilkenny. Arguably he exceeded his duties of a CSM; he went above and beyond his duty to look after his soldiers and therefore he is rightly remembered as an outstanding soldier.
On the 24th of April 2015, His Excellency Mr Kevin Vickers, Ambassador of Canada planted a maple tree honouring the memory of Frederick Hall VC in Stephens Barracks at the rear of the current day Ncos Mess very close to where he was born.
Patrick Corcoran a Kilkenny Nationalist By Patrick Neary
Patrick Corcoran or Pat as he was better known was born in 1875 at 69 Upper Patrick St., where the family resided. The second son of Anne and Michael Corcoran, a whip maker by trade and a staunch Fenian who was involved in the 1867 rising.
Pat served his time as a carpenter, winning many prizes at Feiseanna for his skill as a wood carver and set up his own business at the rear of the present day Troys Bar on the Ormonde Road.
Pat became renowned for his artistic work, carved oak fire screens were among his more popular work and were usually given as Christmas or wedding gifts to his friends. He served on the Technical Institute Committee and was influential in Capt. Cuffes interest in setting up the Kilkenny Wood workers.
A Sinn Fein activist from it’s inception much planning took place in his workshop. He was secretary of the St Patricks Brass and Reed Band and Chairman of the James Stephens G.A.A.Club. Kilkenny won the Railway Hurling Shield for the third time beating Tipperary in the final at St James Park in 1908, three years later the trophy was given into the custodianship of Kilkenny Corporation for display in the assembly room of the City Hall. Pat was given the task of designing and carving an oak show case for the Shield. His creation equalled if not surpassed the intricate designs of the Silver Shield, it was to be his crowning achievement. The shield and show case were for many years displayed in the City Hall but were handed over to the County G.A.A. museum.
After the 1916 Rising, 1000 troops were sent from Dublin to Kilkenny where martial law was declared and a military swoop of Sinn Fein activists took place. Among those arrested was Ald James Nowlan, Tom Treacy, Tom Stallard , Pat Corcoran, Peter De Loughry and John Kealy. They were taken to Kilkenny Prison and next morning whilst been escorted through the City to the Railway Station for internment in Britain, John Kealy collapsed and died in John St., Pat who was in poor health all his life was released from jail after a week and returned to Kilkenny.
December 1918 a vacancy arose on the Corporation, Pat was asked to stand for election. He headed the poll with an overwhelming majority and was returned as an Alderman. Using his electoral success he secured the release of Mayor Peter De Loughry. He did not contest the 1920 election stating he could not save his soul and remain a member of the Corporation. His supporters prevailed on him to stand for the County Council elections in June 1920 and was successful as a Sinn Fein candidate.
Eight weeks later in August 1920, Pat Corcoran died in Jervis Street Hospital, his remains were conveyed to Kilkenny by train where a large throng waited at the station to pay their respects. The coffin draped in the Republican colours was escorted to St Patricks church by the Irish Volunteers and members of other organisations.
At two o clock the following afternoon the cortege moved off from the Church and processed through the City streets and on to Foulkstown Graveyard. All City business’ closed to enable employers and workers to pay their final tributes. The Tricolour flew at half mast over the City Hall while there were visible signs of mourning all along the funeral route. St Patricks Brass and Reed Band led the funeral. The Mayor, attended by the sword and mace bearers walked in front of the hearse with members of the Corporation and Co. Council.
Next came The Irish Volunteers from all parts of the County, and Cumann na Mban also occupied a prominent place. The attendance of the general public was large, others represented were public bodies with whom the deceased was associated. James Nowlan a life long friend of Pat Corcoran travelled from Dublin. The funeral arrangements were in the hands of the City Battalion of the Irish Volunteers and were most creditably carried out. The local papers reported it as being the biggest funeral in Kilkenny for many years. At the subsequent Corporation and County Council meetings tributes were paid to the deceased for his work and dedication to his fellow citizens. Organisations of which he was a member also tendered their sympathy and tributes. Perhaps the greatest and lasting tribute to Pat Corcoran by Kilkenny was the construction of the houses on the Kells Road in 1940 and the Corporation naming it Corcoran Terrace.
John Haltigan was a prominent figure in the Irish nationalist revolutionary movement in the two decades following the collapse of the “Young Irelander” 1848-49 revolution and the ending of the famine in Ireland. He was one of the founding members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and devoted his entire life to the struggle for Irish independence, including internment in English prisons for three and one half years. The IRB was the Irish counterpart to the US based Fenian Brotherhood, a secret oath based organization, created to fight for Ireland’s independence from British rule. John O’Mahony the founder of the Fenian Brotherhood in the U.S. was a Gaelic scholar and he took the name after the “Fianna,” mythical warriors in ancient Ireland who lived apart from society and could be called upon in time of war. Soon both wings were to be characterized as the “Fenian” Movement, and members “Fenians.”
John was born on April 23, 1819 in the city of Kilkenny, County Kilkenny, Ireland. Family records show his father James was an Irish born soldier serving in the English army, and his mother Margaret Haltigan (nee Jackman), a native of Manchester, England. Baptismal records from St. Mary’s parish church in Kilkenny show that during the 1820’s and 1830’s John lived with his family of five brothers and four sisters on a small farm type of residence on Upper Patrick Street in Kilkenny.
Little information is known concerning John’s formative and teen age years growing up in the “marble city”. At some point, he was apprenticed to the printing trade and learned the craft that his sons and grandsons in America were also to follow in. In 1845 at the age of 26, he married Catherine Keating, a Kilkenny native also 26 years old. A son James was born in 1847 and another son John in 1849. Throughout his life John was to maintain a very close connection to his eldest son James, who also followed in his father’s footsteps, learning the printing trade. As will be seen, James although from the shores of America, made many significant contributions of his own to the cause of Irish independence and Irish-American history.
At the 1850 mid-century point, John was 30 years old and married with two children. Dark days were upon Ireland with the terrible famine at its height and the “Young Irelander” 1848/49 revolutionary movement to free Ireland from British rule having been a dismal failure. There is some evidence such as census reports and ship manifests that suggest that his brothers Thomas and James and/or their young sons may have immigrated to America around this time. John himself however maintained a stable life with his family, having risen through the ranks and was employed as a foreman printer for the Kilkenny Journal newspaper. Denieffe, in his book Recollections of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, states that in his visit to Kilkenny in 1855, he found John “in good circumstances owning a nice little farm on the borders of the town. His wife, like himself was a good sincere nationalist, whose counsel infused prudence and courage into many. He had two fine greyhounds and we went hunting every Sunday to the Tullaburn mountains where he knew a great many men of the right stamp, all of whom he initiated into our movement.”
Although the Young Irelander movement and the revolutionary activity of 1848-49 to rid Ireland of English rule did not achieve its goal of an Irish Republic, there is no question that John as a young man in his late twenties was well aware of and absorbed the revolutionary, nationalist writings and speeches of legendary Irish leaders of the era, Francis Meagher, Devin Reilly, John Mitchel, Smith O’Brien and others in The Nation newspaper and elsewhere. Dr. Robert Cane as well as James Stephens, both Kilkenny natives were associates of his and had played minor roles in the 1848 uprising. Young Irelander veteran and fellow Fenian, John Savage in his 1868 book, Fenian Heroes and Martyrs states that “Haltigan identified himself with Irish nationality from youth.”
Of upmost significance for the future however, a New York City based tailor named Joseph Denieffe, a strong Irish Nationalist was also a native of Kilkenny. In the summer of 1855 journeyed to Ireland as a representative of the Emmet Monument Association (EMA). The EMA was an American organization of mostly Irish immigrants sworn to fight for Ireland’s independence. Michael Doheny, John O’Mahony, and Michael Corcoran were the principle organizers. The EMA would evolve several years later into the Fenian Brotherhood.
Denieffe’s mission on behalf of the EMA was to establish contacts in Ireland, build up nationalist sentiment and prepare and lay the groundwork for what was expected to be an early movement by the EMA to invade and liberate Ireland from the British. No such movement took place, but Denieffe’s trip was the real beginning of an organized effort to revitalize and spread the revolutionary movement in Ireland. Denieffe first visited his hometown city and then met with John Haltigan, who in turn introduced him to Dr. Cane and many other nationalists in Kilkenny and nearby Callan. He later made arrangements and provided information for Denieffe to establish contacts and meet with many nationalists in Dublin. This early groundwork provided by Haltigan and others would result in the founding on St. Patrick’s day in 1858 of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) under the leadership of James Stephens, a native of Kilkenny who had returned from Europe. Following the founding of the IRB the recruitment of members began in earnest and the oath bound secret brotherhood of individual cells was built up throughout Ireland. John Haltigan, now approaching forty years of age, was appointed “Head Centre” for Kilkenny and was very active in recruiting members, working for the Kilkenny Journal and responsible for a household that as of January 1859 now included five children. A daughter Elizabeth (Bessie) had been born in July of 1853, a third son Thomas in July of 1856 and a forth son Andrew was born in January of 1859. It is noted that at the baptism of his daughter Elizabeth in July of 1853 the sponsors were John’s sister in-law Mary Keating and Patrick Nowlan. Patrick Nowlan, a cooper, was a very active IRB member from Kilkenny. A son, James Nowlan later was for over twenty years president of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) and today the GAA stadium in Kilkenny, Nowlan Park is named for him.
In his role as the Head Centre for the Kilkenny region and as a close associate of IRB leader James Stephens, John Haltigan was actively involved in an event in November 1861 that was to be a major factor in the growth of the IRB and that galvanized nationalist revolutionary sentiment throughout Ireland. The event was the funeral of Terence Bellew MacManus, one of the 1848 leaders whose body had been shipped home for burial from California. Stephens organized a funeral procession, despite the opposition of disapproving British officials as well as high clergy of the Catholic church, drew a crowd of over 25,000 people in a rainstorm who followed the coffin through the streets of Dublin to Glasnevin cemetery. John Haltigan served as one of the four honorary pallbearers.
In the fall of 1863 James Stephens made the crucial decision to go public and he established in Dublin the weekly nationalist newspaper The Irish People, hoping it would serve a role much as The Nation newspaper had done in the mid 1840’s in promoting the nationalist cause. Legendary names in Irish history became associated with the newspaper. Thomas Luby was listed as the registered proprietor. Luby, John O’Leary and Charles Kickham served as joint editors. Jeremiah O’Donavan Rossa was listed as publisher and business manager and James O’Connor as bookkeeper. John Haltigan was the foreman printer for The Irish People. John moved to a boarding house in Dublin, and brought his son James just 16 years old to work also as a printer on the paper as well as several other members of the IRB cell from Kilkenny. He was in receipt of a yearly salary for his work as a printer as well as IRB work entailing travel outside of Dublin. The American civil war was in its third year and just days after President Lincoln’s Gettysburg address, the first edition of the weekly Irish People was issued on November 28, 1863.
Along with his job at the newspaper, Haltigan took on the secondary role of organizing and overseeing the drilling and training of IRB recruits from the Dublin area. John Rutherford in his 1877 book The Secret History of the Fenian Conspiracy states “Haltigan superintended the drilling of the brotherhood in Dublin and used to beard the police in the observance of these doings with consummate audacity and insolence.” In November of 1864 a report from the Dublin Metropolitan Police office based on testimony from an informant reported “Haltigan, one of the staff of The Irish People reported to Stephens that there was a policeman watching their drill room at Halston Street and consequently they deemed it advisable to change and they took another place in Island Street where he observed the same policemen watching them there also. Stephens appeared much annoyed about this and ordered Haltigan to have the knife used upon the policeman but not to attempt using it himself as they could not afford to lose such a man.” As the months rolled by the articles in The Irish People became more strident and provocative. The British authorities in Dublin Castle became more and more concerned and finally with information provided by informers raided the office of the newspaper on the night of September 14, 1865 and arrested all the leaders they could including Haltigan, on charges of treason-felony. In the weeks and months that followed many other Fenian activists were arrested including famed journalist and poet John Boyle O’Reilly, and a young John Devoy, who in later years from his base in America, would prove to be one of the most prominent as well as the most effective of the exiled rebel leaders. On November 27, 1865 in Dublin a British Special Commission was established for the trial of Thomas Clarke Luby, John O’Leary, Michael Moore, O’Donavan Rossa and John Haltigan for Treason-Felony, “The Fenian Conspiracy”. Chief counsel for the defense was the noted Irish barrister Isaac Butt. The verdict reached in Dublin on December 8, 1865 in the Queen vs John Haltigan was announced as follows: Clerk of the Crown – “John Haltigan, you have been tried for feloniously compassing to depose the Queen, and to compel her majesty to change her measures, and also to move and stir up foreigners and strangers to invade Ireland. What have you to say why judgment should not be pronounced on you by the Court?” Prisoner Haltigan – “I have nothing to say my lords”. Mr. Justice Fitzgerald – “The jury has now found you guilty, and I am bound to say that in that verdict of guilty I concur. It now becomes my painful duty to announce to you the sentence of the law, and it is especially painful in your case, because in the course of it, we have learned that you have a wife and seven children; and it is much to be lamented that, when engaging in this criminal and wicked conspiracy, you did not reflect that in case of your being brought to punishment for it, the real suffers would be your wife and children. —— We recollect too, that you were one of those who were constantly attending the drillings that were going on; and taking all of the circumstances into account, we do not think, wishing as we do to be light upon you, that we should be doing our duty toward the country in imposing a less sentence than that you be kept in penal servitude for a term of seven years.”
Fellow Fenian John Savage in his book Fenian Heroes and Martyrs states that when the verdict was announced “ Haltigan turned around, leaned over the edge of the dock and kissed his son who stood near him – a lad of about sixteen years of age,(18) the eldest of a family of nine – and then he left the dock. John Haltigan was to be confined under harsh conditions in British prisons at Portland and Pentonville, England. While he was at Pentonville, an Irish nationalist from Cork Jerome Collins was working as a civil engineer for a construction firm doing work at the prison. Collins soon learned of the location of the Fenian cells and was plotting an escape attempt but the plot was discovered and Collins was forced to flee to America. Collins later became the founder in the summer of 1867 of the Clan na Gael (Band of the Irish) the successor organization to the Fenians in America, and like them committed to the forceful overthrow of British rule in Ireland. John’s son James would play a prominent role in the Clan na Gael in America, including serving as its president in 1870.
Following the raid on The Irish People, IRB leader Stephens after a brief arrest escaped and soon fled Ireland. The suspension of habeas corpus, the arrest of numerous leaders, poor planning and the infiltration of numerous informers sent the IRB into decline. In February and March of 1867, armed revolts by IRB members in several cities including Cork, Limerick and Dublin were quickly put down. When Thomas J. Kelly who had replaced Stephens was arrested in Manchester, England an effort to rescue him was successful but in the escape a British police officer was killed. As a result three IRB members, William Allen, Michael Larkin and Michael O’Brien were convicted for the crime and publicly hanged in Manchester on November 23, 1867.
Partly as a result of the wide negative backlash surrounding the “Manchester Martyrs” and also the pleas of the Amnesty Association under Issac Butt, the British began early release of many of the convicted IRB members. On March 4, 1869 John Haltigan, Kickham, O’Connor and several others were given early release. Haltigan, who was now 50 years old, had spent almost exactly three and one half years in confinement. Marcus Burke relates that following the release “In Ireland tumultuous welcomes, marked by defiant and unrepentant speeches particularly by Kickham were the order of the day. On March 15, (1869) Kickham and Haltigan arrived in Kilkenny to find thousands packing the streets of the city which was the birthplace of the founder of the IRB.” Following his release, John now 50 years old, returned to his home and wife Catherine and seven children in Kilkenny. Support for many of the families of imprisoned Fenians came from family and friends, and Catherine was very probably helped in the 1865-69 years in this way, while her husband was confined. Conditions in British prisons, especially for the Fenians, could be extremely harsh, and there is some indications, even referenced on the epitaph on his tombstone, that John was suffering from health issues brought on or acerbated by the conditions he was forced to endure in prison. John’ son James who was with him as a printer on for the Irish People and was with him in the court room when he was sentenced had fled to America. John Savage in his book Finian Heroes and Martyrs states the following: “The son true to the principles for which his father was exiled – true to the promise made to him in the dock – was indefatigable in his exertions to extend the organization. He traveled throughout the country with messages from the Chief, and in turn was subjected to the vigilance of the police. On the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act he had to secrete himself, and came to America in the winter of 1866-67.” James would have been 19 years old when he fled to America, settling in New York City, seeking work as a printer in the newspaper business for which he was trained. He was accepted by Typographical Union #6, the forerunner of what became known in the printing union as “The Big Six”. It should be noted that the younger brothers of James, Thomas and Andrew both also later came to America and worked for the Big 6 union. Another brother John worked for the union in Dublin and youngest brother Patrick Haltigan also held a printers union card in Washington, DC. James first worked for the New York Evening Globe where he became active in union affairs and was elected president of the Chapel (union local) before transferring to the Daily News. He continued to be deeply involved in Irish and Irish-American affairs and according to William D’Arcy in his The Fenian Movement in the United States 1858-1886 was President of the secret Clan na Gael organization in 1871. It is around the 1872 time frame that John Haltigan left Kilkenny and came to New York to be with his son. James as the editor and publisher, started his own weekly Irish-American newspaper The Sunday Citizen with his father helping as chief printer and advisor. In 1877, after close to five years in America, John Haltigan returned to Ireland. James next turned his attention to what was to become one of his most enduring legacies, as the editor and publisher of the first Irish-American literary magazine. The Illustrated Celtic Monthly, An Irish American Magazine Devoted to Literature, Music, the Drama and the Arts and Current Affairs was launched in 1879 and was to last until 1884 when because of lack of funding it ceased publication. It was a publication both designed to promote Ireland’s rich literary heritage and also to promote the cause of Irish independence. The writings and poetry of many Irish-American literary figures of the time to include John Boyle O’Reilly, John Locke, John Savage and Patrick Cassidy were published in the magazine. When the Illustrated Celtic Monthly folded, James returned to the printing trade and in 1890 took a job with the New York World newspaper. He worked at the World for over twenty years, being very active in union affairs, serving as the Chairman of the Chapel for fifteen years, while at the same time remaining very active in Irish and Irish-American political affairs. Perhaps the greatest legacy of James Haltigan was his writing of the book, The Irish in the American Revolution and Their Early Influence in the Colonies The book of over 600 pages was illustrated and was published in 1907. Although sometimes labeled as an example of Hibernocentrism, the book was extensively researched and did counter some of the anti-Irish sentiment that was prevalent at the turn of the century. It is still available and referenced today. Several years after retiring from The World, James died on October 23, 1917 leaving his wife, the former Maria Kitson, sons John and Robert and a daughter Bessie. He is buried in St, Joseph’s cemetery in Yonkers, New York.
John Haltigan in 1877 upon returning to Ireland worked for several years as a printer for the Cork Examiner newspaper. He died in Cork City on July 10, 1884 at the age of 66. The Irish Canadian Newspaper reported that his body was escorted back by train by the Nationalists of Cork and members of the Typographical Society to his native city to be buried in St. Patrick’s cemetery. St. Patrick’s Brass Band of Kilkenny proceeded the cortege through the principal streets and at the conclusion of the funeral ceremonies assembled at the grave and played “God Save Ireland.” The chief mourners who followed the remains were his sons John, Andrew, Patrick and son in law Timothy Lalor. On July 12, 1884 the Kilkenny Journal reported the following: Death of Mr. John Haltigan “Many of the old citizens will hear with regret of the death of Mr. John Haltigan, which occurred on the 10th instant in Cork, where he had been for many years connected with the Cork Examiner. Mr. Haltigan who for a long period was foreman in the Journal Office, took a prominent part in the “67 Movement, and at the celebrated state trials, was with James Stephens, Charles Kickham and the other leaders, sentenced to penal servitude. He was released on the first amnesty, and proceeded to America, where his son occupies a highly respectable position on the American Press, being editor and proprietor of one of the leading journals. Mr. Haltigan was deservedly esteemed by the leaders of 67 for his thorough honesty of purpose and fidelity to the cause. May he rest in peace.” On July 19, 1884 the Journal reported that “On Thursday evening last a circular-convened meeting of the trades of this city was held in the Athenaeum for the purpose of furthering the very laudable object of the erection of a monument over the grave of the late Mr. Haltigan, whose unflinching and uncompromising conduct in connection with the 67 movement secured for him a place in the hearts of the people, which none other than a self-sacrificing love of country could have won for him.” A large Celtic cross was erected at the grave of John Haltigan and the inscription on the large base reads as follows: Erected to the memory of John Haltigan by the Nationalists of Kilkenny who have known him to make a lifelong struggle for Ireland’s freedom for which crime British law, aided by the informer Nagle, consigned him to a living tomb where the fiendish torture of years shattered his vigorous form but failed to subdue his noble spirit. May his unselfish patriotism be imitated until Ireland is once again a Nation. John’s wife Catherine, who died in January of 1899, is buried with him. In Kilkenny city there is a street that is named in honor of John, called Haltigan Terrace. John Haltigan’s youngest son Patrick, was twenty when in 1880 he immigrated to America working first also as a printer for seven years in New York City before moving to Washington to work in the Government Printing Office. He obtained a law degree from Georgetown University and in 1911 was appointed by Democratic Speaker of the House Champ Clark as Reading Clerk of the House of Representatives, a post he held until 1936. On April 6, 1917, he called the roll of members on the resolution declaring war on Germany. He also served as the reading clerk calling the roll of the states at four separate Democratic National Conventions. Patrick was also very active in Irish-American affairs and from 1901 until 1915 he served as the editor and publisher of the Hibernian Digest, the journal of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, (AOH) the largest Catholic Irish fraternal organization. In his national role as an official with the AOH, he was instrumental in helping to erect the statute to Revolutionary Naval Officer Commodore John Barry in Washington, D.C. On behalf of his achievements and those of his father, Patrick was presented with the “freedom” (key) to the city of Kilkenny by the city council when he visited his native city in August of 1925. Patrick J. Haltigan died on July 8, 1937 and was buried in Mt. Olivet cemetery in Washington, D C under a large Celtic Cross tombstone similar to his father.
Writing this article just before the 100th anniversary of the start of The Great War it is impossible to comprehend the effects that Total War had on the lives of Kilkenny people a hundred years ago. The origins of the war are well understood and documented, however the effects that were experienced by men and women joining their local regiment or red cross establishment are less well established. It has been articulated that the First World War has become Irelands no man’s land. There is much to be taken from this assertion. It is on the public record that the first public acknowledgment of the sacrifices of hundreds of thousands of Irish men and women who took part in the war did not occur until 1966 when on the eve of the Rising Commemoration the then Taoiseach Sean Lemass paid tribute to the Irish men who gave their lives in the cause of liberty on the battle fields of Flanders and Gallipoli . It took almost half a Century for the Irish Nation to recognise these brave men and women. It is very important that they now be acknowledged. That at least 2831 Royal Irish Regiment soldiers died is on the public record but how many more were disfigured had their lungs damaged by gas or suffered shell shock? We will never know, but one thing is certain when they returned home there was no hero’s welcome, only suspicion, poverty, poorly paid jobs and in many cases mental institutions from which they would never emerge were their rewards. The Royal Irish Regiment (R I Regt) became associated with the South East of Ireland in 1881 as a result of the Cardwell/Childers reforms. The Militia Regiments of the Counties involved became militia battalions of the regiment (Wexford 3Bn, Tipperary 4Bn, and Kilkenny 5Bn). Further changes in 1908 called the Haldane reforms made additional modifications (Tipperary 3 Bn, Kilkenny 4 Bn Special reserve Bns) These reservists’ would become embodied and deployed with the 1st and 2nd Battalions in 1914 as part of the British Expeditionary Force. The R I Regt would suffer many casualties throughout the war. However on a number of occasions the regiment was practically wiped out. The first instance was at a small village called le Pilly on 19/20 October 1914 when the 2nd Battalion numbered close to full strength, was left in a very exposed position as a result of flanking units being unable to take their objectives. The roll call following the battle accounts for less than 30 survivors and 722 members of the regiment dead, wounded, missing or prisoners of war. At least Thirty Kilkenny men were involved in this battle. During the Battle of the Somme the regiment suffered very heavy casualties firstly on the 14th of July at Bazentin le Petit when the 2nd Bn suffered over 330 Officers and Men killed wounded or taken prisoner in one day. Towards the end of the Somme offensive the R I Regt was again involved in an operation to take the villages of Guillimont and Ginchy. Many hundreds of R I Regt soldiers died or were wounded over the four days from the 3rd- 6th September, the 2nd and 6th Battalions being the units most affected. On the 3rd of September alone fifteen Kilkenny men died on the Guillimont attack. There would be many more R I Regt casualties throughout the War. The the events surrounding the 21st of March 1918 when the massive German offensive would commence would add many Kilkenny people to the casualties being reported in the news papers through out the County. The Germans fittingly called the spring offensive of 1918 Kaiserschlacht (Imperial battle) because that was what it was, in effect their last roll of the dice. The Russians had surrendered to the Germans during the Spring thereby allowing the Germans to accumulate considerable numerical superiority on the Western Front This would allow the Germans to launch a massive attack (sixty four divisions) with extensive strength in depth and massive artillery advantage with the objective of splitting the British and French lines . The date was set as the 21th of March. Facing them in their recently taken over (from the French) poorly prepared and constructed trenches were men of the 16th Irish division. The Division has recently been reorganized and reduced in strength by one battalion (over 600 men). It is also noted that the Division had recently spent 58 straight days in the front line trenches . These men could barely stand, were poorly equipped, malnourished and thinly spread out along the line and included in their number were men of the 2nd and 7th battalions R I Regt. The 6th service battalion having been disbanded the previous winter were posted into the 7th Bn where they joined members of the South Irish Horse who had been re designated as infantry in September 1917. The 7th Battalions strength on the morning of the 21th is not known however it is a fair assumption that they were similar to that of the 2nd Bn which was of 540 all ranks. The unit war dairies outline the events of the morning of the 21st. 4.30am. The enemy opened a heavy bombardment mostly with gas shells lasting about 4 hours. The morning was very foggy. 8.30am. The enemy attacked and broke through A&C Coys and reached RONSOY VILLAGE before S&B Coys were aware that the attack had commenced. No one of A&B Coys got back to the rest of the Battn, either being killed or taken prisoners. The enemy had practically surrounded the village before HQ and S&B Coys were aware of it, as he had broken through the Division on the right. At this time all the Officers, with the exception of Capt Bridge had become casualties, also the majority of other ranks. The remainder were ordered to withdraw and fought their way back to ST EMILIE where they arrived about 7pm. The Battn was relieved by a Battn of the 39th Division, and moved back to VILLERS FAUCON. The Unit had suffered 77 Officers Ncos and Men killed on the 21st. According to the war dairies of the 49 Inf Bde on the 30 March the strength of the Unit was 1 officer and 34 ncos and men. This indicates the total devastation of the unit which had over 540 officers and men at the start of the offensive. 90 are recorded as being KIA this indicates that over 450 were unaccounted for and considered missing in action or prisoners of war. The effects on the 2nd Bn were similar. The Battalion started the day with a total strength of 19 Officers and 520 Ncos and men. The Unit was stretched along a shared frontage of 3000 yardswhich was made up of trench systems with strong points, redoubts and defended areas placed along the line. The German assault again started at 0430. While all of the Royal Irish positions were defended with the greatest gallantry for many hours and caused massive casualties to the attackers, ultimately the Germans poured through gaps in the line by-passing and cutting off defenders to experience their fate later. (The prolonged defence of these locally defended areas with little hope of any relief must surely go down as one of the greatest acts of collective bravery in the history of the British Army). By lunch time the attackers had broken through the Royal Irish second line and they made most progress on the right advancing to the Crozat Canal at Quessy. As dark fell the order was given to withdraw the Battalion behind the Crozat Canal where it reorganized and occupied positions along the 3rd line of defence. The next morning aided again by thick fog the Germans advanced and by 1300hrs had forced the withdrawal of the British line, this withdrawal would continue until the 28th when the battalion halted on a line from Moreuil, Mezieres, Sailly-le-Sec, Albert, Boyelles. The enemy had failed to break through or to reach the Paris-Amiens railway there by securing a tactical victory but suffered a heavy strategical defeat. The casualties on the 21st included LT Col J, D. Scott and 3 men killed, LT C. H. Smith and 12 soldiers wounded with 499 men missing presumed killed, wounded or taken prisoner of war. Many of these men would never be found some would make their way back to the unit over the next few days while others would spend the rest of the war in POW camps. On the 23rd of April the battalion was transferred to the 188th Brigade, 63rd Royal Naval Division, 5th Corps, Third Army. As you reflect on the numbers of casualties it is easy to lose sight of the consequences of the sacrifice of manpower experienced by the R I Regt throughout the war. In fact the other Irish regiments suffered similar fates the Dublin Fusiliers, Munster Fusiliers, Leinster Regiment, Connaught Rangers, Royal Irish Fusiliers, Inniskilling Fusiliers, North Irish horse, 4th Dragoon Guards and many more units suffered similar fates. It is impossible to be certain of individual reasons for enlistment into the forces. It may have been the result of a sense of adventure, there may have been political reasons or it may have been for purely financial reward. The outcome of their service would be the same for soldiers from the southern part of Ireland. Having been cheered off by Home Rule supporters in 1914 their reward was to be a lonely grave in France or Flanders or some other battle field of the war, a name engraved on a solemn monument, a long forgotten medal at the bottom of a drawer in a parents house or maybe no record at all. The prevailing opinion that all returning soldiers should be treated with suspicion and often with contempt had many negative effects on returning soldiers. These heroes’ gave their todays so we could have our tomorrows. It is now our turn to give our tomorrows to insure their memories stays with us into the future. Over the comming months and years it is the intention of phpstack-138006-445556.cloudwaysapps.com to describe in detail the personal stories of Kilkenny men and women in World War One.
Bibliography Boraston J. H, Sir Douglas Haigs Despatches, Dent and Sons, London, 1920. Edmonds J.E. Brig Gen, Military Operations France & Belgium, 1914, Macmillan and Co London, 1925 P 85 Geoghegan S Royal Irish Regiment 1900-1922, The Naval and Military Press Ltd, Sussex UK 2007 Harris H. E. D. the Irish Regiments in the First World War, the Mercier Press 1968 Harris R G The Irish Regiments 1683-1999, Sarpedon Rockville New York 1989 Johnson Kevin, Home or Away The Great War and The Irish Revolution, Gill & Macmillion Ltd, 2010 Richardson Neil, A Coward If I Return A Hero If I Die, the O Brien Press Dublin 2010 South Irish Horse a history http://southirishhorse.com/documents/history.htm War Dairies Royal Irish Regiment 2nd Bn Aug-Dec 1914 Westlake Ray, Tracing British battalions on the Somme, Pen and Sword military, Barnsley 2011
Kilkenny man John Barry is one of the five soldiers of the Royal Irish Regiment who were awarded the Victoria Cross. The medal was introduced in 1856 during the Crimean war. Approved by Queen Victoria as the highest British award for gallantry, the Victoria Cross was made available for award to “officers or men who have served the forces in the presence of the enemy, and shall have then performed some signal act of valour, or devotion to their country.” This meant all military personnel regardless of rank or social stature could qualify for the award, a significant change to previous individual awards policy. It also became possible in 1902 to award the Victoria Cross posthumously, making it one of the very few British valour decorations available to soldiers, sailors or air force personnel killed during the course of their heroic action (the others included the George Cross and the Mention-in-Despatches). By proportion, in terms of population, the number of Irish people awarded the Victoria Cross is second only to the number of English Officers and men when population size is taken into account. In fact 12% of the 1348 Victoria Cross awards have been to Irish men.
Pte John Barry in uniform
Early Career
John Barry was born on the 1st of February 1873 in Saint Mary’s parish Kilkenny City . He enlisted in the R I Regt in December 1890 from where he was posted to the 2nd Bn and was dispatched to Lucklow India where he remained until the battalion moved to Jubbulapore in December 1894. He was on active service from 15 September 1897 when the battalion moved to Rawal Pindi during the Tirah campaign . Pte Barry would go on to earn two clasps to his India Medal 1895-1902 ( Samana 1897 and Punjab Frontier 1895-97). Then in early 1900 the 2nd batallion provided a draft of 150 soldiers to reinforce the 1st Bn R I Regt during the second phase of the Boer war in South Africa . Capt Fosbery and Pte Barry were also members of this draft . The Boer War The Anglo Boer war was fought by Britain and her Empire against the Boer. The Boer army was comprised of the combined forces of the South African Republic and the Republic of the Orange Free State. The Boer Republics declared war on 11th October 1899 and the conflict would go on for over two and a half years. There were three distinct phases to the war: The first phase can be described as the Boer offensive during which they were successful in three major attacks. Their commandos invaded northern Natal and besieged the town of Ladysmith and invaded Cape Colony to lay siege to the British garrisons in Kimberley and Mafeking. While the British did achieve some tactical victories at Talana and Elandslaagte, there were serious defeats for the British at Stormberg, Magersfontein and Colenso which became known as ‘Black Week (10th – 15th December 1899). The R I Regt was just debarking from England on the Gascon when news of these setbacks reached them. The Relief The British response during the second phase of the war included the delivery of heavy reinforcements and the taking over of overall command by Lord Roberts with Lord Kitchener as his Chief of Staff, the Royal Irish landed at Port Elizabeth on the on 12 Jan 1900. By the end of May the 1st battalion numbered a full complement of officers, 1180 Ncos and men (150 of these soldiers were drafted from the 5th militia Bn located in Kilkenny) All the while British forces were relieving the besieged towns of, Kimberley (15 February 1900), Ladysmith (28th February 1900) and Mafeking (18th May 1900). On 13th March 1900 Roberts occupied Bloemfontein, the capital of the Orange Free State, and on 28th May the province was annexed and renamed the Orange River Colony. On 31st May, British troops entered Johannesburg and, on 5th June, Pretoria was taken. The Boer now realised that they needed to change tactics in order to achieve success.
Guerrilla warfare in the third phase of the 2nd Boer war. Under the leadership of Louis Botha, Christian de Wet, Jan Smuts and Keys de la Rey, the Boer abandoned the British style of war fighting and increased their reliance on small and mobile military units. The mobility of these units enabled them to capture supplies, disrupt communications and undertake raids on the army of occupation. They were very successful in evading capture. The R I Regt were involved in convoy escorts at this time and their first major action took place on the 6th of July when as part of the 12th brigade, the battalion assaulted Vulhuters Kop near Bethlehem, during the action the battalion suffered one officer killed five other ranks killed in addition to one officer and forty seven men wounded. While the unit was involved in many actions during the rest of the year the next major action occurred on the night of the 7-8 January 1901 when the Boer assaulted the position held by the 1st Bn R I Regt on Monument hill near Belfast in the province of Transvaal on the night of the 7-8 Jan. Belfast & Monument Hill 7-8 January 1901 The Transvaal town of Belfast was protected by three main groups of defended positions. South of the railway the Gordon Highlanders were in charge of a long stretch of sloping ground; on the other side of the line the Shropshire Light Infantry held Colliery Hill, to the north-west of the town; while the Royal Irish were responsible for Monument Hill, a kopje (Afrikaner term for hill) two miles north-east of the centre of Belfast, and also for one of the 4.7-in. guns, which was positioned on it. These hills, three miles apart, were linked by a party of mounted infantry in a concealed drift half way between them. Early on the 7th of January, 1901, Major Orr’s detachment of the Royal Irish at Monument Hill was relieved by an under strength company group of the R I Regt. • Captain Fosbery commanded the A Company (Coy) personnel. • Captain Milner commanded the D Coy personnel. • Lieutenant Dease the only lieutenant with the party was located with A Coy The total strength of the troops defending the hill on that day numbered only ninety-three officers, NCOs and men. Captain Fosbery realised, on surveying the position that the defences that he had taken over from his predecessor needed to be finished. In reality the number of soldiers for work parties at his disposal was substantially reduced mainly because D Coy had just returned from an arduous spell of train-escort duty. Therefore wishing to allow Captain Milner’s men time to rest, Captain Fosbery kept them in reserve. Hasty Defences By sundown, however, much of the work had been accomplished, and when General Smith – Dorrien OC of the Brigade (figure 9) came to visit the post he was satisfied with the improvements made, however he disapproved of the loopholes, which he directed should be altered but because darkness was falling it became impossible to carry out this order and its execution was postponed until the next day . The flat top of the hill was about eight hundred yards long and less than a quarter of a mile in width; At the northern end a rough stone defended position, four feet high, enclosed the 4.7-in. gun farther to the south a semi-circular trench partly surrounded the tents occupied by D company; A short way down the south-western slope of the hill a blockhouse of stone and sods was virtually completed, and scattered along the perimeter of the plateau were eight small trenches, two of which were not yet ready for use. The scheme of defence involved the post being protected by a strong barbed-wire fence, but as darkness fell this portion of the defences was not completely finished. Captain Fosbery then sent two sections to a subsidiary post connecting Monument Hill with the left flank of the Gordon Highlanders, leaving himself with six sections available to deploy in his perimeter force. The dispositions were sited as follows: Two sections of A company were to man the perimeter trenches, with a sentry posted a few yards in front of each; the remaining section of which Pte Barry was a member with the maxim machine gun was to act as support in the defended position, from which the 4.7-in. gun had earlier been withdrawn. This tactical decision by the Brigade Commander suggests that he had concerns over the vulnerability of the position. The three sections of D company were to sleep in their tents, but to be ready at a moment’s notice to man the trench near their quarters.
Boer Advantage During the evening a mist settled down upon the country round Belfast, so heavy that in the town itself the range of vision was limited to twenty yards. On Monument Hill the fog was described like a heavy Dublin fog. The conditions effectively prevented the Royal Irish soldiers from patrolling to the north-east, east, and south-east, where the steep sides of the kopje fell into broken ground, (these slopes were difficult to conduct clearance patrols around even in good visibility in daylight). Consequently the safety of the post was entirely dependent on the vigilance and sharp hearing of the sentries in front of the trenches.
The Boer objectives On the 07-08 Jan the Boer commanders planned an attack on the main rail line from Pretoria the main objective being the area of Belfast. A number of smaller attacks, which may have been meant simply as diversions, were made upon Wonderfontein, Nooitgedacht, Wildfontein, Pan, Dalmanutha, and Machadodorp . These seven separate attacks, occurring simultaneously over sixty miles, show that the Boer forces were still organized and under one effective control. The general objective of the operations was undoubtedly to cut Lord Roberts’s communications and to destroy a considerable section of the railway. The burghers had surrounded the town of Belfast (the main effort) and were assailing it forcefully on every side. From information obtained by the British officers captured during the engagement, it is known that General L. Botha, who had under him about two thousand men which were deployed as follows. • Ermelo Commando was tasked with driving the Gordon Highlanders from the southern positions. • The Middelburg Commando was to engage the Shropshire Light Infantry at the Colliery hill. • General B. Viljoen, with seven hundred and fifty of the Johannesburg and Bocksburg Commandos, were tasked with the capture of Monument Hill (The decisive terrain). Monument Hill was considered as the decisive ground not only because of its tactical importance, but also because the burghers were determined to capture the big gun which they assessed was positioned on the top of the kopje. Fortunately as already outlined General Smith-Dorrien had decided that it should be redeployed back into the artillery lines at nightfall; subsequently the gun was denied to the Boer. Attack on Monument Hill On Monument Hill the night sentries had been posted at dusk, and the officers of A Coy R I Regt divided the duty between them, Capt Fosbery taking the watch with Lt Dease due to relieve him at 2 am. Everything was quiet until about 2345hrs, when Lt Dease, who was in a shelter near the tents in the reserve position, heard a distant challenge, followed almost immediately by a rifle shot. Nothing happened, and as nervous sentries often fired at imaginary enemy, no one was disturbed by the shot. However the shot was not fired by a British soldier but by a burgher, who shot the sentry posted forward of the north-east trench. Lieutenant Dease was trying to go to sleep again, when two more shots rang out; he dashed out of his shelter and met with Captain Fosbery in the fog; both officers hurried to the centre of the plateau to assess the situation. On the way they came under heavy fire from a party of Boer who, after scaling the northern and north-eastern slopes of the kopje, had surprised and overran two of the trenches, therefore investing themselves inside the R I Regt lines. They rushed forward and reached the gun position just as the burghers were advancing to it. Maxim Damage The maxim machine gun team was fighting desperately from the gun position against overwhelming odds; it was soon swamped by sheer weight of numbers. Pte Barry quickly realised that his position was becoming untenable and that his machine gun was in imminent danger of being captured by the Boer. Fully cognisant of the potential danger that losing the machine gun to the enemy entailed, he managed to grab a pick axe and lunging forward he smashed the point of the pick into the barrel. Pte Barry had effectively disabled the weapon by puncturing the cooling system. It was while carrying out this action he was cut down by a volley of Boer rifle fire from a range of less than five yards; he would die of his wounds shortly afterwards. This selfless act carried out by a Kilkenny soldier was witnessed by Lt Dease who recognised the valour and bravery being displayed by one of his soldiers. Pte Barry would later be mentioned in dispatches and be part of the very first group of recipients to be awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross. The Curtain Closes All around the hill top the Boer soldiers were taking positions quickly and because the nature of the trenches prepared by the defenders during the day their restricted fields of fire prevented them from bringing effective fire to bear on the attackers at short range. Around these positions Boer detachments (from twenty to two hundred strong) suddenly loomed up out of the fog and enveloped the defenders from all sides. The Boer then demanded instant surrender from the remaining Royal Irish soldiers. Though caught in an absolute death-trap, most of these small groups of four or five soldiers showed fortitude, refusing to lay down their arms until such times one or more of their number had been killed or wounded. Here Lance-Corporal George Dowie, a veteran who had served in the Egyptian war of 1882, met his death. He was in command of a small trench, which he succeeded in holding during the first assault; he refused to surrender, though he must have realised that resistance was hopeless, however with tenacity he continued to fight on desperately until a number of burghers, rushing in from behind, overwhelmed the party and left Dowie dead in the position he had defended with honour.
The reserve fared no better than the sentries or the soldiers in the support position. When roused by the sound of battle, the men of D Coy occupied the trench system which protected their tents. At first the attack came from their front and right, but as the capture of the Maxim machine gun position gave the Boer control of the Northern end of the kopje, a fresh body of the enemy attacked them from the rear. There was a short, violent struggle ; then the burghers surged forward, and hemmed in the men of D Coy so closely that many of them could not use their bayonets, and while the Boer in front seized the muzzles and pointed them in the air, those behind knocked the Royal Irish defenders down with the butts of their Mauser rifles. By this time Captain Milner was severely wounded: and the soldiers of his company, who were not killed, wounded, or prisoners ceased to be a coordinated fighting force. Singularly or in small groups they tried to make their way towards Belfast, but in the fog they stumbled across large parties of the enemy and were captured. Out of the original ninety-three officers and men of the Royal Irish on the hill only seven escaped; 86 of the brave defenders lay dead, wounded, or were in the hands of the enemy. Within half an hour after the first shot was fired the defence had been crushed completely. The only sounds to be heard on Monument Hill were the groans of the wounded and the hoarse shouts of the burghers as they collected the rifles, ammunition and sought unsuccessfully for the 4.7-in. gun, which they hoped to turn on the garrison of the town of Belfast. Lost Opportunity When the attack began General Smith-Dorrien had only two companies (one of the Royal Irish and one of the Shropshire Light Infantry) available as reinforcements for the posts north of the line. Both companies turned out and waited for orders. Lieutenant – Colonel Spens, Shropshire Light Infantry, immediately reconnoitred towards Monument Hill, and on the way he met a soldier who reported that Captain Fosbery’s detachment had been destroyed. Halting his party, Spens went forward with a small group of men to conduct a close target recce of the kopje. He worked his way up until he reached a wire fence from which he could see the burghers teeming over the camp which they were looting. Convinced that the post was lost he withdrew, taking with him the men of two small outlying sentry positions whom the enemy had not discovered, but who, in his opinion, would inevitably be captured as soon as the fog lifted.
Losses Botha’s scheme of manoeuvre provided for the simultaneous attack on seven posts along the railway. General Smith-Dorrien commanded a 1,700 strong force protecting a perimeter of 15 miles. The strong points were too far apart to be able to provide mutual support to each other. These attacks were duly made, but in most cases they were not serious and in no case did they fully succeed. The statistics illustrate that Belfast was the real objective of the burghers, for out of 179 casualties sustained in the defence of these seven places, 143 were incurred by the troops in the vicinity of Belfast. The Royal Irish on Monument Hill had by far the largest casualties. Of the three Officers on Monument Hill, Captain Fosbery was killed, Captain Milner was severely wounded and Lieutenant Dease was injured (both were taken prisoners). Among the ninety non-commissioned officers and privates eight were killed outright, five died of their wounds, twenty two were wounded in varying degrees of severity, and fifty-one were taken prisoner. The Boer on their side also lost heavily: in the attack on Belfast. In total fifty-eight burghers were killed, of whom fourteen fell at Monument Hill. An Appreciation. General Smith-Dorrien, in his report on the events of the 7th-8th of January, stated that the heavy loss in killed and wounded among the Royal Irish was “sufficient evidence that their defence was a fine one.” He specially mentioned Captain Fosbery for his “splendid work in command of the post,” adding that from all sides he heard how well this officer had behaved until he was shot down. In Force Orders, dated the 12th of January, 1901, he expressed his “appreciation of the steadiness of the Royal Irish soldiers on the morning of the 8th. He would specially mention the fine defence of the Royal Irish piquet on the kopje under the command of Captain Fosbery, until overwhelmed by vastly superior numbers after a hard fight. He regretted the losses, but does not consider them heavy, considering the determined nature of the attack. He also considers that had it not been for the fog the attack would have been much more easily repulsed.” That heroic action. The General wrote as follows of Private John Barry: “I would especially call attention to the heroic conduct of No. 3733 Private J. Barry, Royal Irish, who seeing the machine gun surrounded by Boers seized a pick and began to smash the action, which he completed in spite of the threats of the Boers, I regret to say that the Boers in retaliation shot him dead, or I would have recommended him for a V.C.”
The War Office decided to award this honourable decoration to John Barry, although he was not alive to wear it, and it was presented to his widow to be held as a treasured heirloom in Barry’s family. Thus, for the third time since the Order of the Victoria Cross was instituted, a member of the Royal Irish Regiment was to win this, the highest possible prize for valour in the British army.
His citation published in the London gazette on the 8th August 1902 reads No. 3733 Private J. Barry, 1st Battalion Royal Irish Regiment. During the night attack on the 7th and 8th January, 1901, on Monument Hill, Private Barry, although surrounded and threatened by the Boers at the time, smashed the breach of the Maxim gun, thus rendering: it useless to its captors, and it was in doing this splendid act for his country that he met his death.
With the passage of time Pte John Barry has been relatively forgotten in his native City. His act of heroism shows the absolute selflessness he displayed, which undoubtedly saved many British soldiers lives. Had the weapon been captured intact it would have been deployed by the Boer commandos in future operations. In fact the Maxim machine gun would be retaken by the R I Regt four months later still unrepaired. The Maxim is now located in the National Museum in Collins Bks Dublin. Pte Barry is buried in a military plot in Belfast, Transvaal, South Africa Pte Barry’s medal group has changed hands a number of times it is now located in the Lord Ashcroft Collection in the Imperial war museum in London. It was purchased at auction for £85,000. The medal group includes the Victoria Cross, the reverse of the suspension bar inscribed ‘Private J. Barry, Royal Irish Regiment’, the reverse centre of the cross dated ‘8th Jany. 1901‘, together with Hancocks’ & Co card box of issue; India General Service 1895-1902, 2 clasps, Punjab Frontier 1897-98, Samana 1897 (3733 Pte., 2d Bn. Ryl. Ir. Regt.); Queen’s South Africa 1899-1902, 3 clasps, Cape Colony, Wittebergen, Belfast (3733 Pte., 1st Rl. Irish Regt.) minor edge bruises and nicks to the campaign medals (figure 16). Conclusion In the loyal traditions of The 18th Royal Irish Regiment, Pte Barry made the ultimate sacrifice. Being a veteran of 12 years service and having seen active service in India, he understood the capability of the weapon he was crewing and its lethal potential. Soldiers like him, Lance-Corporal Dowie, their Commanding Officer Captain Fosbery and the other soldiers deployed on Monument hill on that fateful night epitomise the ethos and espirit de corps of the Regiment. Like their ancestors who stormed through the breach in the Citadel of Namur in 1695, the brave men who defended the hill on the night of the 7-8 of January 1901 made the ultimate sacrifice in the true traditions of the Regiment.
The study of military history allows the reader to analyse and critique the decisions of the commanders of past campaigns with the benefit of hindsight and 360 degree vision; it’s easy to see where fundamental mistakes were made. Unfortunately commanders on the ground rarely have the complete picture of what threats they are facing and an astute enemy will be using all available resources available to him to introduce the fog of war unto the battle space. Assets available to the 21st Century commander even at section level would have astounded divisional staff officers at the end of the Victorian era. A sniper pair armed with a specialist rifle can surgically remove a strategic target from the battlefield from over 2.4 kilometres away , one shot one kill, combined with the ability to vanish without trace exemplifies this. Laser range finders, computerised calculations for indirect fire weapons are now basic items of kit available to insure the optimum killing potential is achieved at all times. Soldiers are now very far removed from engaging enemies in hand to hand combat. Often the enemy is a flashing dot on a computer screen and the trigger pressed is more like a joy pad button than a trigger within which the gentle squeeze of the trigger finger sends a piece of lead towards a visible enemy within range of a rifle man. On any parade where soldiers of the Irish Defence Forces are present, it quickly becomes apparent that the vast overseas service expressed by the varied medals representing missions from 1950s, right through to the present are in reality a visible expression of the immense corporate and specialist expertise available to our government when the international requirement arises. Even though it’s often the expert individual soldiers who are put forward as being our most essential resources, in reality it’s the moral courage and impartial professional behaviour of even our youngest soldiers who have been immersed in the culture of uniformed life from enlistment which really sways the day. This desire for uniformed life is by no means a new phenomenon in Irish history. In 1798 five short years after the embodiment of the Irish Militia, Irish men wearing the Kings uniform were chiefly responsible for putting down the insurrection , almost all of the thirty eight militia regiments were involved throughout the period, in fact 68% of all soldiers operating in Ireland during 1798 were Irish militia. The argument being made is that throughout Irish military history once a man has accepted a life in uniform he will then honour his word and obey his superior Officers and look after his comrades to the point of giving his life to preserve theirs. Pte John Barry VC Royal Irish Regiment being a prime example . This devotion of military life can start to explain why so many Irish born solders have won the Victoria Cross, the highest award available to soldiers in the Crown forces of all ranks since the Crimean war. One such soldier is Walter Hamilton. The winning of the VC by Lt Walter Pollack-Hamilton of Queen Victoria’s corps of Guides in 1879 and how he lost his life shortly afterwards is an exceptional story. His story surely ranks amongst the most significant throughout the history of Irish men and women in service in the forces. Sir Charles Macgregor, as president of the Committee appointed to enquire into the causes of the events surrounding the slaying of Sir Louis Cavignari, Lt Hamilton VC and his escort; Stated that- The annals of no army and no regiment can show a brighter record of devoted bravery than has been achieved by this small band of Guides. By their deeds they have conferred undying honour, not only on the regiment to which they belong, but on the whole British Army. The conduct of the escort of the Queen’s Own Corps of Guides does not form part of the enquiry entrusted to the Commission, but they have in the course of their enquiries had the extreme gallantry of the bearing of these men so forcibly brought to their notice that they cannot refrain from placing on record their humble tribute of admiration .
Walter Hamilton was born on the 18th August 1856 the Fourth son of Alexander and Emma Hamilton, of Instigoe a small village fifteen miles south of Kilkenny city. He entered the 70th (Surry) Regiment of Foot as a Lieutenant in 1874 aged 18 years, but by 28 February that year he had transferred into Queen Victoria’s Corps of Guides part of the Bengal staff corps. The Bengal Army, Madras Army, and Bombay Army were quite distinct, while they formed the army of the honourable East India Company each with its own Regiments and cadre of European officers. All three armies contained European regiments in which both the officers and men were Europeans, as well as a larger number of ‘Native’ regiments, in which the officers were Europeans and the other ranks were Indians. It is well documented that the armies was so far removed from the control of Horse Guards that there was little if any direct operational command enforced by London over these units. The command structure was very much directed by the Presidency’s which in turn reported the Crown.
Walter Pollock Hamilton standing on left
On 2nd of April 1879 a small force under General Charles Gough was on the road from Jallalabad to Kabul when they were threatened by a large force of Afgan tribesmen. With covering fire from the horse artillery, the Guides cavalry and 10th Hussars were ordered to attack. The Guides were commanded by Major Wigram Battye, but he was shot in the hip early on and walked his horse as the rest charged on. He was shot again, this time fatally and the charge, now led by Lieutenant Walter Hamilton gathered momentum over difficult stony ground. The enemy were well placed to receive a charge because there was a 9ft deep dry gully just in front of them, but the Guides were going too fast to avoid it and plunged down the steep drop and on towards the tribesmen firing at them from the top of the other bank. The enemy were unnerved and fell back as Hamilton and his screaming sowars (Indian cavalry) stormed up the slope and cut through them. In the fight Hamilton saw a fallen sowar trapped under his horse being set upon by three tribesmen. He leapt to his rescue, dealing with the three men and helping the trapped man. He then led the guides to victory routing the tribesmen. The Guides lost 20 men and 37 horses while Afghan losses were put at 400 . Hamilton would be recommended for the VC as a result of this action. At the time only British soldiers could win the VC, the highest award for Indian soldiers was the Order of Merit which was won by six of them during the action.
Lt Hamilton statue on display in the National army museum London
Lt Hamilton would lead his Unit to Kabul where there were ongoing political decisions were being made. The events and actions carried out by Lt Hamilton will be contained in Part to